Central banks and regulators are wittingly or unwittingly imposing communism by stealth, at least in Japan.

Sir, you refer to that Bank of Japan’s holdings of government bonds are already at more than 40 per cent of the outstanding stock… and to “massive equity purchases” [by means of buying into the ETF market], and to“the government is the biggest beneficiary of the BoJ’s low interest rate policy” “BoJ risks falling out of sync on global easing” August 7.

Add to that the lower capital requirements for banks when lending to the government than when lending to citizens, and it all adds up to a huge gamble on that government bureaucrats know better what to do with credit/money than private enterprises. It sure sounds too much like communism by stealth for my liking. 

In 1988 the Basel Accord assigned 0% risk weight to sovereigns and 100% to citizens and we all believed that when in 1989 the Berlin Wall fell we had gotten rid of communism for good. How can the world have been so naïve? It will of course end badly.

@PerKurowski

Current bank regulators are closer to a Vladimir Putin type of regime, than to any possible Western world liberal idea.

Sir, I refer to Lionel Barber’s and Henry Foy’s interview with Vladimir Putin. ‘The liberal idea has become obsolete’ June 28.

Putin is quoted with that “the liberal idea” had “outlived its purpose”.

Sir, there are way too many interpretation of what is “the liberal idea” to know for cartain what is meant by it. That “liberal idea” flag is often waved for quite opposite positions, like more or less government intervention, to assure more or less personal freedoms… to guarantee more or less some human rights… and so on. I guess “liberal” is also something in the eye of the beholder. 

But to me my kind of “liberal idea” took a deep dive, in 1988, with the Basel Accord, one year before the fall of the Berlin wall. Because that accord, Basel I, introduced risk weighted bank capital requirements, which decreed a 0% risk weight to the debts of some friendly sovereigns, and 100% to citizens’ debts.

That de facto implied a belief that government bureaucrats know better what to do with credit they are not personally liable for, than for instance our entrepreneurs. That de facto has much more to do with a Vladimir Putin type of regime, than with any possible Western world liberal idea.

@PerKurowski

The regulators are responsible for the doom loop between Italy’s heavily indebted public finances and its banks

Sir, David Crow and Rachel Sanderson write: “Filippo Alloatti, senior credit analyst at Hermes, said that [Italian] banks were “super long” on Italian government debt, which accounts for between 13 and 15 per cent of their total assets… Such heavy exposure has revived the spectre of the doom loop, which describes the inextricable link between Italy’s heavily indebted public finances and its banks”, “Italy’s lenders feel heat as doom loop fears return” October 12.

In a letter published by Financial Times in November 2004 I asked: “How many Basel propositions will it take before they start realizing the damage they are doing by favoring so much bank lending to the public sector?”

And one of the most surprising things for someone like me who plays no formal role in the regulation of banks is why the world did not object to the horrors of banks regulators that, with Basel I in 1988, for the purpose of risk weighted capital requirements, assigned a risk weight of 0% to the [friendly] sovereign and one of 100% to the citizens.

That this regulation that so clearly favors crony statism was introduced a year before the Berlin Wall fell is evidence of how much can go wrong, if we allow unelected officials to engage in groupthink within a mutual admiration club.

Central bankers and regulators around the world have, with their especially low capital requirements against sovereigns, been setting our bank systems up to an especially monstrous crisis, and still they congratulate themselves for more resilient banks.

Just like they have set us up, to an equally especially monstrous disaster in waiting, with their especially low capital requirements for banks financing the purchase of houses; which has transformed houses from being safe homes into risky investment assets.

Central banks have of course made it all so much worse by keeping ultra low interest rates, and pouring huge amounts of QE liquidity on this structurally faulty regulatory fabric.

Our banks have been painted into a corner. What would happen if regulators suddenly announced that the risk weight of the sovereign had to increase from 0% to a meager 1%? 

If Italy goes down the tube will financial authorities lay the full blame on Italy, just as they did with Greece after they doomed it with that odious 0% risk weight?

Sir, you know I feel the Financial Times has kept complicit silence on all this.

@PerKurowski

Its worse! To central banks’ holdings of public debt we must add that of normal banks holding it against zero capital

Sir, Kate Allen and Keith Fray with respect to the QEs write that “The Fed’s balance sheet has expanded significantly several times in the past, including during the second world war when it soaked up debt sales in a bid to improve market conditions. But the current era is the first time in history that such a large group of central banks has undertaken such a substantial volume of co-ordinated buying over the space of nearly a decade.” “Decade of QE leaves big central banks owning fifth of public debt” August 16.

That’s not the only “first time in history” event. Thomas Hale and Kate Allen, in “Europe weighs potential ‘doom loop’ solution” write “A critical factor in deciding demand for sovereign bonds is risk weightings, which determine how much capital a bank needs against its investments in different kinds of asset. Sovereign bonds in Europe have benefited from a zero risk weighting, making them highly attractive to banks, many of which borrowed cheaply from the European Central Bank to buy sovereign debt after the crisis.”

That should make clear for anyone not interested in hiding it that, to whatever public debts the central banks hold, we must add those that all banks hold only because they are allowed to do so against zero capital. Q. What is a 0.1% return worth if you can leverage it 1000 times? A. 100%

Sir, as I have told you umpteenth times before, in 1988, one year before the Berlin wall fell, that which was taken to be a big blow to statism, bank regulators, through the back door, introduced a zero risk weighting of sovereign debt. The statists have been playing us for fools ever since.

And now, when reality is catching up, they want to package and hide all this public debt in some securities they have the gall to name these European Safe Bonds “ESBies”, issued in order to “make the continent’s financial system safer”. Or, as Gianluca Salford, a strategist at JPMorgan disguises it, to “transport sovereign risk to a place where it’s more manageable”.

Sir, try to sell all central banks’ and banks zero weighted held public debt into a free market and see what rate you get. Taking current artificial public debts for real, or for being revenue neutral rates, or for being risk free rates, or for justifying public investment in infrastructure, is either stupidity or a shameful manipulation of truth. 

Sir, the day our citizens discover what is being done by these statist they will flee all sovereign debts and governments will be left, like Maduro in Venezuela, with central banks that can only print money to keep the can rolling and rolling until…

PS. Mr Salford argues: “Securitisation is not an innately bad thing — it can be used well as a stabilising source” No! If securities are sold at their correct securitized risks they do not provide remotely as much profits as those sold incorrectly offering securitized safety. In other words, suffering from innately bad incentives damns these.

@PerKurowski

Those in 1989 so illusioned with the fall of the Berlin wall, never saw the Basel Accord that had hit the West 1988

Sir, Edward Luce writes: “We returned to England in 1989, hungover, each carrying a small chunk of the Berlin wall…We were infected with optimism.” “When west isn’t the best” Life & Arts, May 6.

And now, soon thirty years later Luce is so disappointed with what has happened thereafter, that he even writes such nonsense as “Others… in Caracas… share Russia’s hostility to western notions of progress”. Mr. Luce, dare go to the street of Venezuela and see for yourself how more than 80 percent of that country is risking their lives on the streets, fighting to maintain liberal values you hold, all in order to demolish a Havana-Beijing-Moscow-Teheran wall built by thugs, and which has destroyed a beautiful nation.

Luce ends with: “The west’s crisis was not invented in 2016. Nor will it vanish in 2017. It is structural and likely to persist. Those who gloss over this are doing liberal democracy no favours”; and that’s having already stated: “The self-belief of western elites saps their ability to grasp the scale of the threat.”

Sir, let us put the house in order. Luce writes: “The year 1215, the year of the Magna Carta, is today seen as the “year zero” of liberal democracy… By limiting the power of the king, the Magna Carta set a precedent for what would later be known as “no taxation without representation.”

Limiting the power of the king? In 1988, one year before Luce chipped away at the Berlin wall, the Basel Committee for Banking Supervision managed to get the Basel Accord agreed… and that accord, for the purpose of the capital requirements for banks, risk weighted the king, the sovereign, with 0% and its subjects, the citizens with 100%. From that moment on the statists’ wet dreams were realized and, amazingly, the western elite said nothing about this rape of the Magna Carta.

But Basel’s bank regulations did not only favor the king, it also introduced a risk aversion that had nothing with that “God make us daring!” attitude that made the west great.

That also realized the wet dreams of bankers, namely that of leveraging the most with what was perceived as safe, so as to be able to earn the highest risk adjusted returns on equity on what was perceived as safe, so as not having to lend the credit umbrella to risky SMEs and entrepreneurs.

Of course the west, with banks no longer financing the riskier future but only refinancing the safer present and past, and the sovereign, could, after that, only go in one direction, namely down, down and down.

Add to that the complications created by robots and automation. Those, on top of having to create jobs, now also require us to create decent and worthy unemployments.

The challenges for the west loom immense. To face these requires a neo Magna Carta that probably has to include something about a universal basic income, and of course getting rid of that insane mindset that came up with current bank regulations. That because, as Einstein said: “No problem can be solved from the same level of consciousness that created it”.

@PerKurowski

The political establishment fell prey to an idiotic regulatory technocracy they did not dare to question

Sir, Philip Stephens writes: “Rising populism has been fed by a political establishment in thrall to unfettered capitalism”, “Why the liberal order is worth saving” February 10.

Nonsense! The political establishment fell prey to an idiotic regulatory technocracy they did not dare to question.

Some of the Basel Committee for Banking Supervision’s risk weights used to determine the capital requirements for banks are: The Sovereign 0%; We the People 100%; AAA to AA rated 20%, below BB- 150%.

That has absolutely nothing to do with unfettered capitalism all to do with unchecked and dumb statist intervention.

The liberal order went out the kitchen door of the Basel Accord, in 1988, before in 1989 the Berlin wall felt and the “Washington Consensus” saw light.

Here are some questions that have yet to be posed by someone able to force bank regulators to answer:

@PerKurowski

No one saw how the liberal/free-market 1989 fall of the Berlin Wall was pitted against the statist 1988 Basel Accord

Sir, ‘end of history’ Francis Fukuyama, when referring among other to that “systems designed by elites — liberalised financial markets” writes: “Today, the greatest challenge to liberal democracy comes not so much from overtly authoritarian powers such as China, as from within” “US against the world? Trump’s America and the new global order”, November 12.

If Fukuyama, like most other discussing the post 1989 world had taken notice of the 1988 Basel Accord, their conclusions would have been quite different. As a minimum they would not be referencing a liberal world order.

That is because the introduction of risk-weighted capital requirements for banks, which set a risk weight of 0% for the sovereign and 100% for the We the (risky) people, has obviously nothing to do with a liberal order, and much more to do with runaway statism.

Sir, the so often mentioned and disavowed neoliberalism is simple froth on the surface. Pure and unabridged statism is the real undercurrent that guides our economies.

If only researchers, for instances at the IMF, had researched what those bank regulations have signified to lower the interests on public debt, and to make it harder for SMEs and entrepreneurs to access bank credit, our current financial policies, and consequently our economies, would have looked quite different.

@PerKurowski

The Basel Accord’s statism and misregulation trumped all neoliberalism and deregulation

Martin Wolf writes: “banks remain highly fragile businesses. By their nature, banks are highly leveraged entities with ultra-liquid liabilities and far more illiquid assets…What remains disheartening is that shareholders and a few small fry among the employees have been punished, but the decision makers who ran these institutions have escaped more or less unscathed.” “Deutsche Bank offers a tough lesson in risk” October 5.

Wolf is totally correct on that! But, may I ask, what about the responsibility of regulators who, against all common sense, allowed banks to leverage their equity and the support they received from society; limitless when lending to its own or to a friendly sovereign; over 35 to 1 when financing residential mortgages; and 62.5 to 1 only because a human fallible agency rated a creditor AAA to AA?

There’s been absolutely nothing of holding those regulators accountable, worse yet they are still in charge of the most important monetary policy decisions.

And what about the responsibilities of leading opinion makers like Martin Wolf himself, when they refuse to acknowledge the extremely serious distortions in the allocation of bank credit to the real economy risk weighted capital requirements for banks produce?

I am currently reading Philip Ther’s interesting “Europe since 1989”. Already I do not how many times in the very first chapters I have seen neoliberalism and deregulation mentioned. What a difference a year makes! Had Ther began his history in 1988, he might have had to include the Basel Accord with its risk weights of 0% for the Sovereign and of 100% for We the People. Frankly, when all is said and done, the Basel Accord’s statism and miss-regulation has trumped all neoliberalism and deregulation.

As for the Deutsche Bank, its best chance for a sturdier future, lies in regulators telling all banks to abandon the business model of maximizing returns on equity by minimizing capital that their regulations promoted.

Let us pray, for our children’s and grandchildren’s sake, that banks return soon to earn their returns on equity by evaluating risk adjusted interest rates and size of exposures, without any considerations to capital requirements.

@PerKurowski ©